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9/9/2006 EDU : IPO of neworiental
新东方集团真的不是吹的。没想到老俞已经上市了。视频点击这里
8/26/2006 薛捍勤要来北京了，有兴趣的同学去一睹芳荣我是在家去不了了，希望有兴趣的同学去看看啊，这个被dean挂在嘴边的未来女法官。呵呵。
讲座 国际法前沿动态 与国际法委员会工作近况 演讲人：薛捍勤 大使 主办方：清华大学法学院国际法中心 时间： 8月28日 （周一） 下午3：00－5：00 地点： 清华大学明理楼 模拟法庭 主持人：清华大学法学院 贾兵兵 教授 薛捍勤女士 简介 http://www.chinaembassy.nl/chn/xwdt/W020050316689566414060.jpg 薛捍勤女士，美国哥伦比亚大学法学院博士。2002年当选为联合国国际法委员会委员，同 时成为国际法委员会成立50多年来的首任女委员。薛捍勤女士还是国际法研究院的首位中 国籍候补会员。 薛捍勤女士于1999年至2003年担任中华人民共和国外交部条约法律司司长。2003年起担任 中华人民共和国驻荷兰王国特命全权大使。 6/6/2006 那么多人都走火入魔了先是政法法硕餐车要发票，现在又出了这样的事情，专业把人弄得……
本报讯 抢劫之前，徐某竟然绘制函数曲线图，以此推算抢劫成功几率。昨日，记者从广 州南山检察院获悉，只有高中文化的嫌犯徐某已被批捕 据了解，21岁的徐某在实施抢劫行为前，绘制了一个关于抢劫的函数曲线图，以时间为x 轴、单身女人出现几率为y轴，由此来计算或推导自己的抢劫成功几率，并且对自己准备 作案前的心理及作案手段、方式都作了细致的总结。 这张函数图x轴分列时间段：19:30—20:15—21:15—22:15—22:30—23:15，徐某还作出 如下分析：夜间单身女子出现几率最大的时间段是晚上8时15分—9时15分，最低的是22时 30分—23时15分，由此判断夜间随着时间推移，有机会向单身女人下手的几率越小，并自 我分析认为，在精力方面呈现一而足、再而衰、三而竭，在心理方面呈现“怕”、“懒” 和“良心未泯”的弱点，比如怕女人反抗、怕失败被捕入狱；行动不坚决，心不够狠，手 不够辣，错失良机。因此，徐某针对上述各种情况定下几方面的应对措施：一见机会就上 ，绝不犹豫；时间上要准，即在民警与其他人少的空隙间；速度上要快，动作上要稳，重 击其要害，力量达到，干得干脆、及时。 办案检察人员认为，在这份分析中，犯罪嫌疑人徐某采用我国古代的战术，可见准备既充 分，又细致，显示了犯罪分子的主观恶性。 《南方都市报》供稿 http://news.qq.com/a/20060606/000584.htm 3/13/2006 zt:Sharp Debate Erupts in China Over Socialism and CapitalismBy JOSEPH KAHN (NYTimes) BEIJING, March 11 — For the first time in perhaps a decade, the National People's Congress, the Communist Party-run legislature now convened in its annual two-week session, is consumed with an ideological debate over socialism and capitalism that many assumed had been buried by China's long streak of fast economic growth. The controversy has forced the government to shelve a draft law to protect property rights that had been expected to win pro forma passage and highlighted the resurgent influence of a small but vocal group of socialist-leaning scholars and policy advisers. These old-style leftist thinkers have used China's rising income gap and increasing social unrest to raise doubts about what they see as the country's headlong pursuit of private wealth and market-driven economic development. The roots of the current debate can be traced to a biting critique of the property rights law that circulated on the Internet last summer. The critique's author, Gong Xiantian, a professor at Beijing University Law School, accused the legal experts who wrote the draft of "copying capitalist civil law like slaves," and offering equal protection to "a rich man's car and a beggar man's stick." Most of all, he protested that the proposed law did not state that "socialist property is inviolable," a once sacred legal concept in China. Those who dismissed his attack as a throwback to an earlier era underestimated the continued appeal of socialist ideas in a country where glaring disparities between rich and poor, rampant corruption, labor abuses and land seizures offer daily reminders of how far China has strayed from its official ideology. "Our government only moves forward when it feels there is a strong consensus," said Mao Shoulong, a public policy specialist at Tsinghua University in Beijing. "Right now, the consensus is eroding and there is a debate over ideology, which we haven't seen for some time." The divide does not appear likely to derail China's market-led growth. President Hu Jintao, in what Chinese political experts and party members said was a clear reference to the debate, told legislative delegates last week that China must "unshakably persist with economic reform." China has generally stuck by its market-opening commitments to the World Trade Organization. Wen Jiabao, the prime minister, has allowed billions of dollars in foreign investment to flow into the once tightly protected financial sector. Legislative officials insist that the proposed property law, which has taken eight years to prepare and which is intended to codify a more expansive notion of property rights added to China's Constitution in 2003, will sooner or later be enacted, though possibly with some significant modifications. But Mr. Hu and Mr. Wen wittingly or unwittingly invited the debate when they made tackling China's growing inequality a center of their propaganda efforts, political analysts say. The state-run news media are abuzz with calls to make "social equity" the focus of economic policy, replacing the earlier leadership's emphasis on rapid growth and wealth creation. Since his rise to the presidency in 2002, Mr. Hu has also sought to establish his leftist credentials, extolling Marxism, praising Mao and bankrolling research into making the country's official but often ignored socialist ideology more relevant to the current era. He told party leaders in 2004 to study how Cuba and North Korea maintained political order, party officials say. And he has tried to distance himself from his predecessor, Jiang Zemin, who invited private businessmen to join the Communist Party and was viewed as permitting well-connected officials to enrich themselves with public property at the expense of the poor. "Hu is himself a centrist who is not really pursuing one agenda or the other," observed a party official who said he could be punished for talking about leadership politics if he were quoted by name. "But he did pull us to the left to restore balance, and that gave the old guard an opportunity it has not had in years." As a result, analysts say, the leadership may find it harder to pursue market-oriented solutions to some pressing problems, like providing health care to rural residents, grappling with rampant corruption in the state sector, expanding access to education and overhauling banks, insurance and securities companies. Beijing's new plan to address its rural woes, labeled "building a new socialist countryside," promises an infusion of government cash for peasants and rural areas. But it steers clear of tackling some restrictions on economic activity, like a ban on private land sales in the countryside, that many pro-market economists say have left peasants economically disenfranchised. "My impression is that allowing an expanded role for the market in education and health care is off the table," said Mr. Mao, the Tsinghua policy expert. "Rural land ownership is also too sensitive to consider now." The tensions reflect rising concern that breakneck growth averaging nearly 10 percent annually over 20 years has left China richer but also dirtier and, by the standards of the one-party state, politically volatile. Corruption, pollution, land seizures and arbitrary fees and taxes are among the leading causes of a surge in social unrest. Riots have become a fixture of rural life in China — more than 200 "mass incidents of unrest" occurred each day in 2004, police statistics show — undermining the party's insistence on social stability. Many Western and some Chinese experts have argued that these problems stem from China's authoritarian political system, and that they will not easily go away until people have a greater say in how they are governed. But the Communist Party and many left-leaning scholars reject that view. They say the ills are caused by capitalist excesses and rising inequality, which they say requires that the government reassert itself in economic affairs. One measurement of inequality, the gap between the average incomes of urban and rural residents, has risen to about 3.3 to 1, according to the United Nations Development Program, higher than similar measures in the United States and one of the highest in the world. A study by the Communist Party's Central Research Office estimates that the ratio could rise to 4 to 1 by 2020 if current trends continue, a level some Chinese economists say could incite much wider social turmoil. Such political fears seemed to give an opening to critics who felt economic policies had strayed too far toward capitalism. The strength of leftist opposition had faded throughout the 1990's after Deng Xiaoping, who called economic development "hard truth," and later Mr. Jiang tolerated little ideological discussion of the direction of changes. Liu Guoguang, a Marxist economist and a former vice director of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, stimulated an outpouring of opinions about inequality last summer, when he gave a private talk that was transcribed and posted on the Internet. His talk, titled "If Reforms Have Led to Polarization, Then Reforms Have Failed," supported the emphasis on growth and development that has prevailed since the early 1980's but called for a much larger role for the government in managing economic affairs. In a subsequent interview with Business Watch, a state-run magazine, Mr. Liu said, "If you establish a market economy in a place like China, where the rule of law is imperfect, if you do not emphasize the socialist spirit of fairness and social responsibility, then the market economy you establish is going to be an elitist market economy." He has been joined by other scholars, including Mr. Gong, whose incendiary polemic on the property law prompted a succession of sympathetic essays and study sessions. Also contributing to the response is the Hong Kong-based economist Lang Xianping, a celebrity who has used a popular Shanghai television show to pillory what he describes as Russian-style raids on state assets by managers and foreign investors. One top official who has come under scrutiny is Zhou Xiaochuan, the central bank governor and a promoter of market initiatives. Mr. Zhou attracted foreign investment to the financial sector, partly delinked China's currency from the United States dollar and steered the three biggest state-owned banks toward stock market listings overseas. Mr. Zhou was attacked directly in a widely circulated Hong Kong newspaper article and indirectly by commentators in Beijing, who accuse financial officials of selling China's most valuable assets too cheaply. Ji Baocheng, president of People's University in Beijing, criticized Mr. Zhou's banking changes in a public session of the legislature last week. He cited the big Hong Kong stock market listing of China Construction Bank, which was completed after the government injected billions of dollars to clean up its balance sheet. Mr. Ji said the government priced shares in the bank too low, given the fresh infusion of capital, and he accused officials of "blindly sacrificing the interests of China and its people." The government defends the overseas listings as a necessary step to raise capital, attract foreign experts to the boards and executive offices of the troubled banks and put the financial system on sounder footing. Some pro-market economists, who seemed ascendant in the 1990's and early in this decade and now often sound defensive, have denounced the leftist revival as dangerous. Many also criticize the Hu-Wen administration for micromanaging investment and bank loans, tinkering with property and stock markets and declining to extend market-oriented policies to the countryside. Zhou Ruijing, a retired senior newspaper editor associated with the pro-market camp, captured the sentiment in a January essay in Caijing magazine that he wrote under a pseudonym, Huang Fuping. "A widening gap between rich and poor is not the fault of market reforms," he wrote. "It's the natural result of them, which is neither good nor bad, but quite predictable." He said most of the complaints leading to social unrest, like the high cost of education and medical care, land seizures, pollution and poor public safety, tended to be problems of inefficiency and government corruption, not shortcomings of the market. "When government officials manipulate the market for their own benefit, they often slow reform in areas that should be opened up," he wrote. 2/8/2006 YOU SAY GOODBYE, AND I SAY HELLOhttp://media.chinaradio.cn/chi/world_news/mc040416036.wma
Thanks to the Great Firewall, Micheal has gained a reputation as a daring, intrepid journalist. Thanks to the MSN staff of censorship, now we have a more intricate story about the reading of Antiblog in the new year. It is so amazing that the famous journal blog of Mr. Anti has been removed from the sight in Mainland China for the second time. Not the same as the first time, Mr. Anti's MSN Space was taken down by MSN staff. Here is the picture shown when I tried to connect his space via the url.
 On hearing his MSN Space removed, Micheal felt so depressed. However, Micheal didn't give up to the tough situation.Now he chose to continue to post.He returned anti.blog-city.com to continue his writing which is blocked by the Great Firewall. And there is still about three ways to subscribe his articles.(My friends who email me for the details would knows better:) Meanwhile, Micheal Knows better about himself in the future."More and more students, who major in Internet Techniques or the reference, have been selling their souls to monsters."as Micheal blogged,"The free time of the Chinese Blogs has been over."
"The Greatwall is long, but no longer than life.The Greatwall is hard, but no harder than thought."as Micheal posted.
p.s. Maybe for the lunar new year, he hasn't updated for about 2 weeks. 12/15/2005 新鲜出炉：刘翔诉精品购物指南北京市第一中级人民法院 民事判决书 （2005）一中民中字第8144号 上诉人（原审原告）刘翔，男，1983年7月13日出生，汉族，国家体育总局田径管理 审判长 高平 代理审判员 张军 代理审判员 高海鹏 二00五年十二月十五日 书记员 余双扬 |
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